US Military
Surge in Costa
Rica May Fan
Regional
Tensions
By Jamie
Way, Special to
The Narco News
Bulletin
In a
controversial
decision that is
likely to fan
the flames of
regional
tensions in
Latin America,
Costa Rica
recently granted
the US
permission to
move 7,000
troops and 46
warships (along
with their
accompanying
planes and
helicopters)
into Costa Rican
waters.
Officially, the
act is
considered to be
part of the
“Drug War,”
which appears to
be increasingly
more war-like in
nature due to
such actions and
mounting
violence in
Mexico and
Colombia.
Costa Rica’s
neighbors,
however, see the
massive military
presence as a
potential base
for regional
strikes.
Due to the long
history of US
intervention in
Latin America
(perhaps most
notably in
neighboring
Nicaragua), the
region is
clearly
justified in its
concern over the
disproportionate
and virtual
invasion of
troops into an
area that could
potentially
provide such a
logistical and
geographic
striking point.
Internally, many
Costa Ricans are
questioning the
military
presence and its
impact on the
nation’s
sovereignty. One
party, the
United Social
Christian Party,
has even brought
forth a claim
questioning the
constitutionality
of such an act.
The Citizen
Action Party (Partido
Acción Cuidadana
- PAC), the
United Social
Christian Party
(Partido Unidad
Social Cristiana
- PUSC) and its
former
presidential
candidate, Luis
Fishman, have
been amongst the
most vocal
opponents of the
US military
presence.
Fishman has
compared the
permission
granted to
handing the US a
carte blanche,
and has
denounced the
act as having
negative
repercussions
for the nation’s
sovereignty.
The US has
responded by
disregarding
opposition.
According to a
Tico Times
article, US
Ambassador Anne
Andrew responded
by saying, “We
are not sure why
there is this
uproar,” and
furthermore
stated that the
request was the
same as the one
that had been
submitted each
year for the
last decade
under a
bilateral
agreement. Past
agreements,
opposition
argues, however,
appear to have
only granted US
vessels
permission to
enter the area
in pursuit of
suspects and do
not seem to have
mentioned troop
or warship
presence.
Furthermore, the
opposition
argues that the
massive military
presence of
7,000 troops and
46 warships is a
disproportionate
and
inappropriate
measure for
fighting
narcotics
trafficking and
money
laundering.
Regardless of
how this act
varies from past
US actions, it
is clear that
within the
present context,
the military
surge is more
disconcerting.
This action
comes amidst
increasing
disappointment
with the Obama
administration
and its failure
to create mutual
respect between
the US and Latin
America as many
had hoped. In
fact, to the
contrary,
through the
shuffling and
increase of
military
presence in the
region, not only
has the
relationship
with the US
remained
strained, but
additionally
regional
tensions have
flared.
Due to the newly
won access to
seven bases in
Colombia (said
to replace the
loss of a base
in Ecuador),
regional
relations have
been further
strained.
Tensions remain
high between
Colombia and
many of the
countries in the
region led my
left leaning
leaders, who see
the US military
presence in the
region as a
direct threat to
their democratic
rule. In fact,
the Colombian-US
agreement even
drew heavy
criticism from
President Lula
of Brazil, who
is widely known
to be one of the
regions most
reasonable
actors.
From its
Southern border
to South
America, the US
has increased
its military
presence. Most
recently, the
Obama
administration
sent 4,000
troops to the
US-Mexico
border, further
militarizing
this already
violent area.
This regional
increase in
military
presence is also
accompanied by
an increase in
military and
police aid.
According to a
report by the
Center for
International
Policy, the
Latin America
Working Group
Education Fund,
and the
Washington
Office on Latin
America, during
most of the
2000s, military
and police aid
accounted for
less than 40
percent of all
aid that the US
sent to Latin
America.
However this
year, before aid
to Haiti is
added to the
equation,
military and
police aid will
total
approximately 47
percent of all
US aid to the
region. Perhaps
most telling,
after 58 years
of inactivity,
in 2008 the US
government
reactivated the
4th Fleet, the
navy fleet in
charge of the
waters in the
Southern
Command.
Amidst a growing
climate of US
militarism and
the
militarization
of its relations
with Latin
America, the
region is
justified in its
apprehension
over impending
threats to its
sovereignty.
While the media
speculates about
war against
Iran, US
solidarity
activists are
concerned about
the near to
total media
blackout of news
about the
escalation of US
militarism in
our own
hemisphere.
Whether all of
this is a mere
shifting of the
pawns or an
increase, this
massive military
presence in the
region (paired
with the US’s
regional track
record)
necessitates
careful
vigilance if we
are to address
US military
expansionism.
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