"Pura
Gate"?
New
Law
Protects
Political
Secrets
Shades
of
Watergate!
President
Laura
Chinchilla
signed
into
law
last
week
a
prohibition
to
"procure
or
obtain
illegally
secret
political
information."
Political
espionage
is
punishable
by
four
to
eight
years
in
prison.
But
some
jurists
say
the
law
may
be
in
conflict
with
access
and
diffusion
of
public
information.
Former
judge
Ewald
Acuña
fears
that
the
addition
to
the
Penal
Code
might
well
restrict
legitimate
media
access
to
information.
Illegal
procurement
of
political
information
is
open
to
interpretation.
It
might
mean
only
wiretaps
and
such
which
are
already
illegal
unless
authorized
by a
court
for
official
investigation.
On
the
other
hand,
how
far
do
"political
secrets"
extend?
Does
the
term
mean
leaks
that
are
dear
to
the
hearts
of
all
media
workers
and
are
a
pillar
of
the
free
press?
Acuña
has
the
same
doubts.
La
Nacion
quoted
him
harkening
back
to
the
days
when
Costa
Rica
lost
a
brilliant
vice
president
who
incautiously
wrote
a
memorandum
having
to
do
with
the
free
trade
treaty
with
the
United
States.
When
it
was
leaked
to
the
press,
the
uproar
caused
him
to
resign.
For
free
press
specialist
Carlos
Tiffer,
the
law's
terminology
is
dangerous
by
its
imprecision.
He
points
out
that
the
only
time
secret
appears
in
the
Constitution
is a
"state
secret."
Even
that
has
not
been
clearly
defined.
(The
last
time
anyone
remembers
a
president
invoking
a
"state
secret"
was
Luis
Alberto
Monge
in
the
1980s
when
he
tried
to
clamp
a
lid
on a
report
of
his
agricultural
policy.)
But
for
Tiffer
the
penalty
in
the
law
for
leaking
information
is
"disproportionate,
without
justification."
Again,
the
clash
between
the
citizen's
right
to
know
and
secrecy
rings
discordantly.
The
Professional
Association
of
Journalists
(Colegio,
or
COLPER
by
its
Spanish
acronym))
is
also
worried.
COLPER
president
Jose
Rodolfo
Ibarra
termed
the
drafting
of
the
wording
as
"suspicious"
but
begged
more
time
to
study
the
law.
Minister
of
the
Presidency
Carlos
Ricardo
Benavides
said
the
government
also
would
like
clarification
of
the
wording.
Strangely,
before
politicians
got
their
hands
on
the
proposal,
the
bill
was
to
outlaw
industrial
espionage.
But
then
a
group
of
National
Liberation
Party
deputies
made
the
controversial
changes.
Social
Christian
Unity
deputy
Luis
Fishman
and
two
Libertarians
also
chimed
in.
Discussion:
We
opened
with
a
facetious
reference
to
the
Watergate
scandal,
which
would
have
entailed
two
violations
of
the
above
law,
had
a
similar
code
been
in
force
in
the
United
States
in
the
1970s.
The
first
was
the
burglary
of
Democratic
campaign
headquarters
in
the
Watergate
building
by
several
henchmen
of
President
Ricard
Nixon's
Republican
national
campaign,
an
act
of
espionage.
It
was
treated
by
the
U.S.
courts
as a
simple
burglary.
The
second
aspect,
illegal
should
it
happen
today
in
Costa
Rica,
was
the
leakage
of
information
to
Washington
Post
reporters
and,
later,
other
members
of
the
press.
Under
the
above
code,
such
a
triumph
of a
free
press
would
have
been
illegal,
even
to
to
protect
democracy.
This
code,
like
the
refusal
of
lawmakers
here
to
revise
the
restrictive
model
1902
libel
law,
merely
underscores
the
fact
that
politicians,
once
they
get
into
office,
would
like
to
conduct
their
business
in
complete
darkness.